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PROGRESSING BEYOND EUROPEAN DIVISIONS, AND GUARANTEEING OF THE FUTURE STABILITY OF THE SECURITY SYSTEM
International conference: Central-Eastern Europe and Euro-Atlantic Security
Speech by the President of the Republic of Slovenia, Mr. Milan Kucan
Ljubljana, 25 April 1997
"Slovenia is prepared to measure up to all the requirements that are or will be built into such integration. Our inclusion in the desired European and Euro-Atlantic integration will cause no disturbance or difficulty, nor will it cost much. Our full incorporation will cause no harm, neither to our neighbouring countries, nor to the existing members of this integration, nor indeed to other countries. By accepting us, the existing members will be risking nothing. On the contrary, by accepting us they would be expanding the area of stability, peace, cooperation and mutual trust, as well as the area of controlled and peaceful resolving of possible conflicting interests and disputes. Even in the Balkans, which is also a part of Europe..." stressed president Kucan at Intrenational conference on 25th April 1997.
Ladies and gentlemen,
distinguished participants of the conference on "Central-Eastern Europe and Euro-Atlantic Security",
I take great pleasure and satisfaction in welcoming you here to this important meeting. I am convinced that this expert and - given the nature of its subject - political consultation will be of considerable significance for the security and political future of Europe. While we must consider in their entirety the consequences of globalisation processes around the world, as well as the new relations of interdependence and connection and the inseparability of peace, a secure Europe to a large extent signifies a secure human world. I am expressing my deep conviction that Europe now stands before historic decisions, and even though we have now seen the end of the long period of Eurocentrism, where for centuries Europe for better or worse made an essential mark on modern human civilisation, these decisions will have an influence on the civilisation of the third millennium. Now that our own continent has been the horrific scene of two world wars, and we may clearly and unequivocally identify the reasons behind them, it is time to draw a line under that inclement history, in full awareness of our responsibilities. From this derives the inescapable need to build an integrated security system; and from this, too, derives our conviction that the future of the European continent is unconditionally linked to this year's decisions on the expansion of NATO and the European Union.
The decision on expanding these two institutionalised Euro-Atlantic groupings has several dimensions - political, economic, social, defence, security and more. Yet above all of these I would place the aspect of the morals and values they embrace, and the moral message they send. The decision on expansion will be a decision on and proof of our readiness to finally emerge from our European past. Each of us remembers this past in our own way, for we had different positions and roles in it, but for all of us together it was undoubtedly harsh. It took its toll on all of us. Wars, conflicts, subjugation and conquest, the clash of ideologies and real powers, nationalisms and phobias of all kinds marked out our continent at least as much as the creative periods of peace and cooperation. Europe was divided! And Europe is still divided - as a consequence of the still unsurpassed old ideological, political and bloc divisions, and also because of the current economic, social, security and political systems. Europe may also remain divided. And the deliberations over expanding NATO and the EU will decide on all of this! They will determine the European future, and whether there will be one, two or possibly three Europes! Europe stands before a great, historic opportunity, before a new challenge. It also stands before a new responsibility.
The desired and anticipated transformation of the image of Europe's political and, along with it, security system in the historic year of 1989 facilitated a reduction in international tension, and promoted cooperation between countries as well as the common resolving of European security and political affairs. It awoke new hopes. It offered a realistic basis for the belief that it was possible to go beyond our difficult past and to leave it behind. It created the opportunity to shape a common European security system, which would be founded on the values of cooperation and trust, of peaceful settling of disputes and respect for the security interests of all countries in this part of the international community. We should ask ourselves whether this hope was realistic. Or perhaps it was just an illusion. We should respond openly to the question whether all the countries of Europe, including the smaller ones, really do have the possibility and opportunity to make a contribution towards creating a new, agreeable, stable and secure European environment. Can each one of them decide, or at least co-decide, about themselves and about Europe as their common home? A stable, creative and secure European environment of association represents for all of us, including the smaller countries, a great opportunity as well as a new challenge. We are talking about the shaping of such a system of European security that will guarantee to all a higher level of security against traditional sources of danger based on the use of power and armed force. At the same time this new environment brings with it the greater anxiety of each country, linked to the preservation of their own economic, social, political and cultural autonomy, to their marginalisation within European institutions and in decision-making, and to the concentration of advantages which are provided by the association only of a narrow group of larger and more powerful countries.
Anxiety among the countries of Central Europe in particular is based on the fact that the shaping of a new European security order is not progressing without difficulties and distinctions being made, nor consistently towards a new cooperative model of guaranteeing security, but it carries within itself many uncertainties and even new dangers.
Of course, progressing beyond European divisions, and the guaranteeing of the future stability of the European security system are closely linked to the success and consistency of the Central and Eastern European countries in establishing democratic political systems, market economies, the rule of law and respect of human rights and freedoms. It is also linked to their ability to break free from the bonds of their past and to shoulder the burden of their future. And it is a stable economic, political and security environment in Europe that represents the fundamental condition for the successful renewal of these countries in order for them to set out for the future - both their own and that of Europe. Otherwise they may remain locked in their past, and in this way just a part of the problems which Europe will have to deal with, for they will constitute a burden on its security, and they will threaten its stability and development. Ultimately, of course, they will also reduce Europe's fitness in the competition with other economic and political centres of the world.
So what then, in this perspective, does membership in the Partnership for Peace and NATO mean to us here in Central Europe? We are the countries and nations which after the Second World War, as a consequence and expression of the post-war division into ideological and political military blocs and of the testing of power, were removed against our will from Western civilisation, in which we had evolved historically and which we had also in part created, and forced into the Eastern civilisation, which is not naturally ours, where we do not feel at home and which we did not accept. We lived within that civilisation for 50 years, at loggerheads with it, and more or less in conflict with it. Following the collapse of the Berlin Wall these nations returned to their traditional civilisation, and to their own cultural and spiritual environment. Membership of NATO will be a proof and confirmation of their faith that the time of division has finally ended, and that we have now seen the correction of a historical injustice visited on them by the fate of post-war Europe. This will serve as proof to them that they have been accepted as equals into the pan-European dialogue on the common European future. After all, they have a right to this proof, for the system behind the Berlin Wall collapsed because the people living there wanted it, and not because it was willed upon them by people from outside. They believe that their membership of NATO is not an illusion. But they also know that it is not their automatic right. It is simply an expression and proof of the realistic interest, both their own and the common interest, in a Europe of peace, security, stability, cooperation, creativity and prosperity, one which will guarantee the respect of human dignity and the equality of European nations.
Here we cannot get around the fact that it has indeed been national egoisms, often entirely open, but also in many cases concealed behind platitudes about historical interests of individual countries or groups of countries, that have wreaked the catastrophic destruction of individuals and entire nations, especially the smaller ones. The history of the Slovene nation tells a particularly striking story in this respect. Many of our generations before us were stamped upon and crushed. I want to believe that our justified expectations of incorporation into NATO and the EU will be given the close and careful attention that is due to them. And this will not simply be to our benefit, but to the benefit of the European future.
Ladies and gentlemen,
It is up to all of us to take advantage of this opportunity that has been offered to Europe by history; so that some time in the future, those who come after us will not need to ask what we did, when we were faced with this opportunity and why we handed down to them the disputes which had such a negative effect on our own lives. What this involves is that within the safe framework of the new European security structure and NATO we creatively affirm the values and traditions of European civilisation. Not so that we might force them on others with whom in this changing world we are shaping the civilisation of humankind for the third millennium, but so that we might live in harmony with them, in the world which is coming and which is our only human world, the world we live in and for which we are responsible. Indeed we carry this responsibility into the future, for the generations that will inherit it.
The Republic of Slovenia wishes to bear its share of responsibility. Following international recognition it is fulfilling its strategic goal of joining the institutions of European association. We need and desire all the advantages which membership of NATO and the EU can provide. We desire more rapid economic and political development, political stability and security, a democratic political system, respect of the principles of a state based on the rule of law, with recognised and respected human rights and freedoms. It is in this that we see the possibility of preserving our national sovereignty, our unique national and cultural heritage and here, too, we see our own affirmation. And for this we need a safe alliance of democratic countries and institutions.
For Slovenia such integration is a strategic and vital goal. We are prepared to measure up to all the requirements that are or will be built into such integration. Our inclusion in the desired European and Euro-Atlantic integration will cause no disturbance or difficulty, nor will it cost much. Our full incorporation will cause no harm, neither to our neighbouring countries, nor to the existing members of this integration, nor indeed to other countries. By accepting us, the existing members will be risking nothing. On the contrary, by accepting us they would be expanding the area of stability, peace, cooperation and mutual trust, as well as the area of controlled and peaceful resolving of possible conflicting interests and disputes. Even in the Balkans, which is also a part of Europe.
I would now offer my very best wishes to all those participating in this important meeting, and I trust that you will enjoy not only a very pleasant stay in Slovenia but also the fulfilment of your expectations in the far-reaching aspects of the subjects being discussed here.
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