BINDING EXPECTATIONS EXPRESSED IN THE PLEBISCITE
INAUGURATION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA (video in slovenian language)
Speech by the President of the Republic of Slovenia, Milan Kucan

Ljubljana, National Assembly, 22 December 1997


"I am still firmly convinced that we must form a common vision of our future. Holding a vision prevents the emergence of complacency, arrogance, self-containment and narrow-mindedness. It represents a strategic orientation and a pledge to keep the state functioning, it is a motivation and a challenge for the state and the people, it releases and directs their energy. Therefore, what we need is a common intellectual consideration about the future of the Slovene state and the Slovene nation. This consideration will have to take place sooner or later and it is the duty of the state and the government in particular to create the opportunity and conditions for it," stressed the President.

Mr Speaker, deputies, distinguished guests, excellencies, people and citizens of Slovenia,

I am honoured to assume the duties of President of the Republic before this democratically elected National Assembly.





I.

The period of my term of office will extend into the beginning of the next century, when together with the other advanced countries of Europe, Slovenia will play an equal part in shaping the common image of the European continent. For the first time in its long and rich history, Europe has an opportunity to live in peace, prosperity and tolerance. It has the opportunity to establish an order which will not be dictated by the great and powerful but which will be based on freedom, equality, cooperation and open dialogue of all those involved, and on respect for the common spiritual values enshrined in the tradition of European civilisation. Over many centuries, like other nations, the Slovenes have been forged in this tradition. We are bound to this tradition, and by defending its values, we can face the challenges set before us and the entire world by the time in which we live, a time that heralds the beginning of global competition and cooperation. We are now preparing to live in this Europe and this world. And we have been given an opportunity to establish ourselves visibly, safely and firmly.

I am convinced that we all wish to make of Slovenia a country respected at home and abroad, and friendly to all its citizens. And this we can do, but only through our united strength and aspirations and through good will, mutual cooperation, respect and tolerance of political, cultural, religious and ethnic differences. And we will be able to do this if tolerance, which in plural democracy unites our individual efforts for the common good, is our fundamental and common value.

Today's occasion falls on the seventh anniversary of the plebiscite. The constitutional amendments of 1989 and the plebiscite laid the foundations for the independent state of Slovenia and for a programme of modern democracy, market economy and social security. We took action in accordance with the best European traditions, which observe the principles of the rule of law and human rights. Our own state was needed primarily because this programme could not be carried out in the former common state. We created our independent country through democratic and legal means, and without violating the rights of others. We successfully defended our right to self-determination against the aggression of the Yugoslav Army. These actions represent a source of self-confidence, pride and self-respect as we enter the challenging world of international integration, where Slovenia enjoys unblemished trust and respect.

Our efforts were successful chiefly because we managed to unite different political and social initiatives into a joint effort to fulfil two goals: the founding of the state, and modern political democracy. It is my firm belief that this fact must remain permanently in our common awareness, both as a reminder and a value.

The invitation for Slovenia to negotiate full membership in the European Union in the first group of candidate countries is at the moment probably the most palpable proof of our successful policy and of the high credibility of the Slovene state, its democracy, economic success and respect of human rights.


II.

General, internationally comparable indicators reveal that our hopes and expectations are not unfounded. Much has been done during the six years of our independent political existence. But this is still not enough, and more could have been achieved. In its economic system, Slovenia incorporated market principles and the criteria of competition and success. This and the democratic society provided fuel for its development. But the question is whether it has been successful in providing the Slovene economy with the conditions for the necessary transformation of the market, programmes and technology and for its preparation for international competition. Furthermore, have we succeeded in introducing market principles and professionalism in other spheres, too? We have spent more than we have created - as if we have forgotten that thrift and saving are two of the basic values of developed and economically successful societies. Saving is an element of farsightedness and the creating of the material foundations for the future. Public opinion polls reveal that people are anxious about their security and their future. They claim that their situation has been deteriorating and they are sceptical about the years to come.

Slovenia is a state based on the rule of law. It is defined as such in its Constitution and laws. But normal life is lagging behind legal provisions. People wait much too long for, or they even go without, what is rightfully theirs. It is a common belief that the country is ruled by corruption, widespread organised crime and lawlessness and that many of its politicians and officials are corrupt. People blame the politicians for this. Politicians are no longer trusted, and people's enthusiasm and motivation, so characteristic of the period when we constitued our state and during the first years of its existence, have been waning. It is as if we have lost everything and gained nothing. But this is not true. This state of affairs cannot always be ignored by the bodies of the state.

We have adopted legal regulations governing privatisation and denationalisation, and the National Assembly has been deliberating over the law on concluding ownership transformation, but we still cannot say that privatisation has been carried out successfully, that all wrongs have been righted and that during the righting of these wrongs, no new ones have been committed. Many companies have been formally privatised, but how many of them actually have real and identifiable owners who are in fact managing their property in accordance with the principles of good management and striving for greater efficiency and long-term development opportunities for their companies? During the privatisation process, have tens and even hundreds of billions been stolen and if so, who stole them? Are the competent state bodies being objective in the eradication and punishment of irregularities discovered in the privatisation process? What has been happening with the state property yet to be privatised, and how is the state managing it? Is it clear what is of strategic importance for the state and, in view of this, will the state preserve its ownership? These questions have been arising frequently and cannot remain unanswered if they are a justified expression of the doubts in the very concept and orientation of our privatisation process, thus obstructing the main lever to the implementation of all our reforms.

The effects of the unfinished processes of restructuring the social system are undoubtedly being felt most by those lower down on the social scale, particularly ordinary working people, who due to the social changes have had to face unemployment, great insecurity, loss of jobs, dependence on the arbitrariness of company owners, irregular payment of salaries and, in particular, loss of control over their own destinies. Similar problems are being faced by public servants, those managers who are not owners of their companies, and by young people.

It is obvious that society and the state are still not living a normal life. The prevailing atmosphere is unhealthy and unmotivating. The rules of the game and moral values which determine how these rules should be applied in order to create an atmosphere of harmony and cooperation are unclear. The legal order of society is damaged and its moral and developmental strength is impaired.

There is no doubt that Slovenia is a democratic state. But there is a strong public sense that it does not live a fully democratic life, even though the multi-party parliamentary system with its democratically elected government is functioning, just as all state bodies are functioning more or less in accordance with the roles assigned to them by the Constitution. But the actual relationships between them are determined by connections between individual parties and arrogant self-containment rather than by the knowledge that the country can be well governed only if everyone involved cooperates independently, within their jurisdiction, but at the same time with a high level of professionalism and if common, global objectives are kept in sight. I am convinced that many issues, including those connected with Slovenia's membership in NATO and the EU, its relations with its neighbours, the German minority in Slovenia or Slovenes in Croatia, would never have grown into problems had there existed a true willingness and formal commitment for cooperation and tolerant consideration and decision-making. The situation in this country is too serious to be approached with any lack of insight and coordination.

It is my opinion that the government and individual parties, both those in power and those in opposition, can no longer postpone resolving what we must still do in order to make Slovenia the state for which its citizens unanimously opted in the plebiscite and in which they invested their hopes and expectations. It will take courage and the cooperation of us all to find the answer to this sensitive but crucial question. Here, it will be impossible to avoid the issue of whether one fundamental reason for the delay is in fact a political pattern which has emerged quietly, although persistently and ruthlessly, in our political life. Here, I refer to the "partyocracy", the pattern of the division of power, jobs and money and institutions, managerial positions, supervisory boards, banks, public institutes, diplomacy, legislative institutions and the journalists, and the taking over of the political and spiritual space and positions in political, economic and public spheres according to various criteria adopted by political parties which exclude or disregard the criteria of professionalism. In Slovenia, the legitimate competition of political parties for political power has revealed this weakness, too, typical of modern political democracy. This weakness is better prevented than cured. Parties are a necessary tool of parliamentary democracy and its most distinctive feature. They are responsible for how the country is governed. They are also responsible for the protection of the moral capital and high esteem enjoyed by Slovenia abroad because of its unanimous and peaceful transition to democracy, its domestic reforms, its prudent exit from the Yugoslav crisis and its effective participation in international affairs.


III.

The world and all of humanity are changing very quickly; any lagging behind might be fatal for individual countries. Everybody is searching for their own space and destiny. What is important is knowledge, innovation, readiness to change and social stability. Development and farsightedness are in high demand. Slovenia has been given a good opportunity. But in taking it, it must observe the rules governing how nation states function in the modern world, where social problems are not created nor solved exclusively within national borders, for they have global dimensions. Ecology, information, peace and safety, for example, are no longer exclusive areas of national policy. They have become part of global politics, which can be addressed on an equal and sovereign level only by those capable of tackling such issues. And here lies the responsibility of the opposition, which together with the government is responsible for when, and to what extent, the Slovene state will qualify for participation in the international dialogue of the modern world. From this point of view, vision and strategy become the crucial foundation of a common national policy, where political confrontations are supported by arguments based on knowledge and willingness to change and not solely by arguments based on ideological assumptions. Responsible decision-making about the future does not allow us to linger in the past.

This in turn demands that we take a more determined aproach to the implementation of changes, that we opt for development and, along with this, for the future; and that we endeavour to become:

1. A society and a country of development, economic success, solidarity, social justice and ecological awareness. A society enabling all individuals to take full responsibility for themselves and their future; creating fertile ground for everybody to have the right to opportunities, and for those culpable of causing social insecurity not to enjoy impunity; fostering solidarity among citizens and the responsibility of the government for those who cannot provide for themselves, because poverty and marginalisation are not and cannot be the future of Slovene society. It is my firm belief that we can create a society without poverty.

2. A society where every individual will enjoy total political, spiritual and economic freedom. The heart of a modern society is the individual. The individual's freedom is the foundation of his or her responsibility and sense of solidarity. Equally, it is a foundation of the individual's patriotism.

3. A society with a strengthened legal order and a clear legal system. Individual spheres of life will be defined by clear and transparent regulations. This is at present defined to a large extent by our effort to become part of the European Union. Carefully considered and understandable legal provisions facilitate a productive common life and prosperity. The efficacy and independence of the courts and their supervisory mechanisms are mandatory. But this must not replace the general social awareness that the rights and dignity of the individual cannot be preserved without a general observance of the law. And this demands a greater concern for the strengthening of moral values in society, binding it together and providing the foundation for a peaceful and secure life, stability and prosperity. This is also a condition for all of us to be equal before the law. Moral values and the law must be observed above all by those who are entrusted with the task of governing the state and watching over the observance of the law. This is our moral and political duty.

4. A society with a high level of political, social and economic participation from its citizens. In the modern society, power is shifting from the state to the citizen. Systematically and with awareness, society must continue opening and creating opportunities for different forms of self-organisation and participation of citizens in public life and in the processes of decision-making and supervision, in various forms and at different levels, of the civil society. A high level of development in the civil society is a guarantee of its political stability.

5. A society with an appropriate relationship between the state and local government, between the national centre and individual regions. This will result in initiatives coming from different development centres from all over Slovenia and will lead to more even development.

6. A society in transition to a post-industrial society with an appropriate strategy, restructuring and decision-making about the future of the existing industrial structure and the development of services which have developed within this structure. Connections between Slovene companies and strategic partners abroad, established through production programmes, technological and financial cooperation need support.

7. A society where the principle of competition in terms of quality of work, creativity, knowledge and skill will also be observed in non-commercial spheres. The areas of science, research, education and culture cannot be surrendered to the market logic and world market. Competition observing international criteria can be introduced everywhere: in everyday life, commercial activities, non-commercial activities and, of course, in politics.

8. A society with a developed awareness about protection of the environment and the sustainable development of Slovenia. The prevailing opinion must be that it is better and even less costly to avoid polluting the environment, rather than trying to clean up polluted areas and eradicate the consequences at a later stage. This must become a leading criterion in investment decisions. Support must be given to those who save energy, natural resources and materials and who introduce environment-friendly technology. In meeting our needs, we must take into account and protect equal opportunities for future generations. In simple terms - instead of using already limited natural resources, we should rather be using the limitless capacities of the human mind.

9. A society striving to deprovincialise itself and the country as a whole. We must open up, internationalise our life and at the same time enhance our sense of responsibility for our national, Slovene identity, develop our language and cultural creativity and respect our cultural and spiritual heritage. The identity of a nation is determined chiefly by its actions, work and achievements, its responsibility for itself and its attitudes towards others.

10. A society which is working actively and with self-confidence to become part of the European Union and NATO, on equal terms with others. This is the best possible solution for Slovenia, for it promises a safe future in Europe. The standards, criteria and conditions of the European Union and NATO will help us modernise our domestic life economically, legally, politically and spiritually. Full membership in these organisations entails active participation in the European dialogue about the future of Europe. It is also an independent decision-making process about ourselves and a joint decision-making process about common issues. The political debates about our integration into the European Union are over. The tasks are defined in Agenda 2000 and the strategies are drawn up. Their implementation will have to be on a high professional level and will be a supreme test for the Slovene state administration, government and National Assembly. Decisions will be political in nature and will be made by the parliament. Final decisions will be made in a referendum and for this reason, great attention must be paid to the provision of timely and accurate information to our citizens, and this must convey the historic significance of these efforts for the Slovene nation. If the struggle to enter the European Union is lost, it will be lost at home. After the Luxembourg summit, this can no longer be disputed.

11. A systematic fulfilment of all the conditions for a responsible and successful implementation of Slovenia's tasks as a member of the United Nations Security Council, justifying the confidence clearly expressed in the high number of votes in Slovenia's favour by the member states of the United Nations. Successful participation in the Security Council, and in particular a highly diplomatic and politically astute stance towards the conflict-ridden Balkans, will be a lasting monument to the credibility of our country.

12. The settling of relations with our neighbours in accordance with all the legal and international foundations for such relations. Unsettled relations which may threaten European peace and security may have a damaging effect on our international respect and credibility. Slovenia's role in Central European integrations and particularly its relations with countries formed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia and in south-eastern Europe in general must be considered with greater self-confidence. This also holds for our attitude towards ethnic minorities, since any disregard of political principles may not only harm the esteem of our country but may also damage the circumstances of the Slovene minorities in Italy, Austria and Hungary. Concern for minorities is a duty of the state. It is our duty to protect minorities from the intrusive interests of domestic policies and the policies of individual parties.

13. Greater concern for the Slovene armed forces, their concept, combat readiness and legal regulation. We must consider, on the basis of experience, too, whether their political non-affiliation, the transparency of the military budget and civilian control of the military, which would prevent any irregularity, is in fact secured. These are all basic political conditions for Slovene participation in the Partnership for Peace and for Slovenia's joining NATO. The legal and real circumstances in Slovenia's armed forces, along with the restructuring of the military, the training of officers, weapons, good management and the creation of its favourable image in society cannot be the responsibility of the Ministry of Defence, or a party, alone. These are the tasks of all those involved in the government of the Slovene state, of all Slovene political representatives. The same holds for other national security instruments, their orientation, harmonisation, and above all, control of them.


IV.

For all this the highest aspirations must be set for all our actions. Models for this must be provided by the state administration, the entire public sector and politicians. There is no modern state without an efficient and independent state administration. Our state administration is neither small nor efficient; on the contrary, it is large, insufficiently professional, expensive and often unwelcoming towards our citizens.

The mentality of a learning society must be introduced and the education system, its content, policy and institutions must be changed accordingly. Education is becoming the main issue of humankind. Life-long learning is demanded by the times we live in, moreover, it is a condition for survival, competitive cooperation and integration. According to their level of knowledge, people are arranged in social groups, while countries are divided into the developed and developing. Knowledge gives self-confidence, will and power, it facilitates planning and the control of the future. Reform of the education system is of decisive importance and is an issue for consideration by the whole of society, while the foundations for decision-making and the implementation itself will be a subject of expert work. Slovenia has a future if it becomes a learning society. Young generations will appreciate their country and will be patriotic if the country makes it possible for them to attend good schools where they will acquire high-quality knowledge, computer skills and training for the world of the future. Competition for knowledge in the world must not be transformed into a competition for party influence on school in Slovenia.

I am still firmly convinced that we must form a common vision of our future. Holding a vision prevents the emergence of complacency, arrogance, self-containment and narrow-mindedness. It represents a strategic orientation and a pledge to keep the state functioning, it is a motivation and a challenge for the state and the people, it releases and directs their energy. Therefore, what we need is a common intellectual consideration about the future of the Slovene state and the Slovene nation. This consideration will have to take place sooner or later and it is the duty of the state and the government in particular to create the opportunity and conditions for it.

I am convinced that our goal must be a modern nation state based on the equality of all citizens, on the rule of law, a market economy and on dynamic social balance; a state offering freedom to all people, as well as the opportunity for them to take their social security and future in their own hands.

These aspirations and goals are nothing new. They are in fact the expectations that were expressed in the plebiscite, and they are binding for any democratic government of this country. It is therefore understandable that I do not see my duties, goals and work in the capacity of President of the Republic as something external to this programme, to the dynamics of this time and space and to the continuity of the state and state-building policy.


V.

The project of national independence was invested with great expectations. Our young state and the considerable demands of the transition processes offer only a partial explanation of the gap between what has been expected and achieved. The delayed political consensus regarding national interests raises concern, due to the mental pattern, too, which does not acknowledge any differences and fails to find a common ground amidst differing interests. Freedom of political activity is not limitless, and not everything is allowed. This freedom is connected with the heavy burden of responsibility for decisions taken and their consequences.

The implementation of the plebiscite programme, with all the major changes and achievements in the new legal, economic and social order, unavoidably demands social consensus, a social contract between political parties, institutions of the state, civil society and social groups.

For this reason, I believe that we must let go of the past. The consequences of old disputes and hatred between the older generations must not be suffered by the young. All of us have the right to our own search for truth, but the echoes of battles fought in the past are not an issue of the new times and of young people. The constant mentioning of the dead by politicians, as if we wished the past to catch up with us and swallow us, along with an almost complete refusal to focus on the living and take a decisive and more responsible stance towards past events have largely prevented those governing the country from formulating questions which would open up the future, and from seeking common answers. The past tends to split people, while the future unites. This is the experience gained during the implementation of Slovenia's independence, for an independent state was understood as a matter of national survival and future. And in its actions, it was also an expression of joint responsibility for this future.

The search for a common, national attitude towards the past cannot be based on a political premise. The common point of departure, and one which would also define our basic national political values, must surely be a condemnation of any act against humanity, disregard of human rights, and betrayal of the nation, all of which were committed in the past for political reasons. A declarative labelling of the former system as undemocratic and a condemnation of the acts committed against the rule of human rights and mankind, enabled by it, is possible only as an expression of the internalised political experiences of the whole nation, whose formal expression is a political, manifestational action. A condemnation and a labelling without this internalised experience are not enough to prevent further violation of human rights, to which condemnation should in indeed be intended.

Everybody should answer for their crimes before the law. Everybody has the right to compensation for wrongs suffered. Let us right the wrongs, but not at the price of commiting new ones. Only in this way is the reconciliation of those still living possible. But reconciliation must first be desired by our reason, and then our hearts may believe in it. The consequences of living with political polarisation, caused by our inability to reconcile, will grow more severe day by day. Slovenia is late. Europe has reached reconciliation fifty years after the Second World War. We must reconcile, too. This is an indispensable duty. For this reason, in my last written opinion to the National Assembly, I proposed a possible way of reaching it. It may be reached by strictly adhering to European guidelines and by considering all the special features of the Slovene past, ever since the crucial times of occupation during the Second World War.

After all, this is also an issue of political culture and state-building tradition. The Slovenes have been forming them both independently, with each political and state action taken, only for the last six years. This has become part of the Slovene value system, our national character and culture of human relations and coexistence, our appreciation of every individual's work and contribution to the common good in public and political life and in our behaviour in general.

The future will be difficult and unpleasant if we enter it with anger and hatred towards one another, allowing the powerful to encroach on the rights of the weak. But it might be more pleasant if we become a society of healthy competitiveness, tolerance and equal opportunities for all. The world of the future is neither hateful nor dictatorial. It is a world of peaceful co-existence, tolerance, democratic values and knowledge. The time before us is a time of great opportunities. I believe that we are capable of seizing them, that we are capable of creating a life in a friendly and respected Slovenia, a state with a future. Never before have we had, on our own, at our disposal so much spiritual and material power, so much knowledge and intellectual assets, with which we could bring about the goals set out in the plebiscite of December 1990. The society where social security was provided at the expense of freedom and human rights was then replaced by a free society which, however, contains much risk and insecurity for the individual. Let the level of freedom we enjoy now be matched by our level of responsibility. For this goal, it will be worth joining forces for a common effort. And it is to this goal that I am ready to devote all my knowledge and ability. In my opinion, such a Slovenia that is friendly and respected represents the only path to which we may be bound.